Two years ago, political analysts were skeptical: many doubted that any significant change could occur outside the capital’s borders. Fidesz’s media empire and the party’s substantial campaign resources dominated the political landscape. The election results, however, disproved these doubts: 3.3 million people voted, producing the highest turnout since the fall of communism.

This victory is not merely a political triumph for Péter Magyar, but also a symbol of resistance against government oppression. During the elections, the people’s voices were finally heard, and segments of society that had previously been sidelined have now declared that they expect political change. Péter Magyar’s message that “everyone is Hungarian” marks a fundamental shift from the previous, divisive political discourse, which was built on the dichotomy of “good” and “bad” Hungarians.

In 2015, Viktor Orbán asserted that Hungarian politics fundamentally relies on character assassination, which he claimed women are less equipped to endure. This perspective shifts responsibility onto women for their low representation in politics while ignoring the systemic barriers that limit their participation. Historically, women's representation in the National Parliament has stagnated around 10%.

The results of the 2026 parliamentary election show a 25.6% share, which is still low by international standards but exceptionally high for Hungary. In the 199-member parliament, 51 women won seats.

In this regard, Péter Magyar ironically noted that there will be more women in parliament than Fidesz seats!

The Tisza Party demonstrated a markedly different approach to candidate selection, with nearly one-third of its representatives being women. In contrast, Fidesz's representation of women remains below 10%.

Importantly, while Hungary's electoral system has not changed, the increased representation of women highlights the responsibility of political parties in promoting diversity. The Tisza Party's success in getting 31 women elected from individual districts and 13 from party lists illustrates that, given equitable opportunities, women can compete effectively with male candidates.

In recent days, it has become evident in key leadership positions within the National Assembly, also in ministerial appointments that the increased presence of women in parliament goes hand in hand with a genuine redistribution of political power, as female representatives have secured key positions from which they can exert significant influence on future political discourse.

In light of recent events, it can be said that women’s political representation is important not only for democracy but also for the realization of the principles of social justice and equality. 

The Orbán government has refused to accept international standards aimed at protecting women’s rights and ending gender-based violence. It has reinforced this stance through a political discourse rooted in traditional family values and patriarchal norms, disregarding the protection of women and the advancement of their rights.

These challenges, however, may create new opportunities for the newly elected government. The significant increase in women’s representation and shifting social expectations may encourage the new leadership to reassess its policies regarding the protection of women’s rights and to consider ratifying the Istanbul Convention.

Looking ahead, the implementation of reforms and management of social tensions will determine whether Hungary truly turns away from the legacy of the Orbán regime. 

Péter Magyar's victory not only symbolizes resistance to male-dominated leadership but also represents an opportunity for enhanced political representation for women and minorities, including the LGBTQ+ community. To achieve a meaningful redistribution of political power, strengthening women's representation and their active participation in the political culture will be essential for fostering a more equitable and just society.

While voters are looking to the future with confidence and hope, the question remains: how this confidence will translate into concrete political action?

The reality is far more complex and concerning, particularly for advocates of social justice and anti-racism. With the current parliament dominated by right-wing, conservative, and far-right parties—Tisza securing 138 seats, Fidesz retaining 55, and the far-right Our Homeland gaining 6 seats 4. The absence of left-leaning representation raises alarms. This lack of diverse voices threatens to undermine crucial discussions on minority rights and environmental issues. Specifically, the far-right's control over key committees poses risks for marginalized communities who need advocacy now more than ever. While Magyar's victory with a two-thirds supermajority reflects genuine voter dissatisfaction with corruption and economic stagnation the political composition of parliament remains overwhelmingly conservative.

Compounding these concerns is the allocation of significant ministries to parties that do not prioritize climate action or social equality. Additionally, the fragmented approach to Roma integration, spread across multiple ministries without a clear strategic plan, illustrates a disconnect that could exacerbate existing inequalities. The absence of coordinated policy on minority affairs mirrors broader structural limitations in addressing systemic discrimination.

Despite these challenges, there is a glimmer of hope with the appointment of a progressive leader in the Ministry of Education, representing a positive step for educational reform. To ensure a comprehensive and equitable approach to governance, ongoing advocacy and mobilization are essential. Those committed to combating racism and promoting social justice must remain vigilant and engaged in the political process to push for inclusive policies that prioritize the needs of all citizens, even as the broader political landscape remains tilted toward conservative governance.